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Wednesday, December 30, 2015
Why Janet Evanovich Is Not A Real Person
By Henry Bland, the SLAWMEISTER
"Slaw is where it's at!"
It is comforting and convenient to believe that the popular mystery writer Janet Evanovich enjoys huge sales of her books because of the ability to comprehend the landscape of the American reader’s value system and then reflect this back to them in narrative form.
The alternative – believing that Ms. Evanovich is simply defining values and emotional landscapes which are then shoveled into a mass consumer audience, is insightful but perhaps because of its elitist assumptions about culture still misses the mark.
The question of whether art reflects or dictates values is a false dichotomy that ultimately limits a understanding of what is at stake by framing the limits of the question. There are two interrelated questions marginalized by this chicanery.
How does the mechanism that chooses one from a thousand other mystery writer’s function and what are the interests of those who control that process. And second, how does a particular book end up in a persons hands. Here what is needed is a description of the various systems and processes of distribution.
This would include factoring in advertisement, critique and more obvious forms such as shipping. Of course to answer that fully the interests of the people who control these process would also need considered.
These questions are not tools merely to critique what is commonly thought of as popular mass cultural forms, but should be asked of any art form at any point in history.
It is my contention that the surface value as represented in the art form is simply the carrier of the value system embodied in the logic of the process and the interests of the people who directly benefit from that process.
The real values being imposed on people are of a second order. These values involve how a culture will reproduces itself and how that is decided.
From this perspective what is to be analyzed is not the immediate details of characters and situations in books as they stand in relationship to the general society or a body of readers.
What this tries to get at are the reasons that certain novels and the picture of culture they represent slide so fluently through the creation and distribution process that is the book industry.
The mystery waiting to be unraveled is why readers, who have original, complex and nuanced, emotional and intellectual lives would choose to spend time with characters who represent stereotyped values and situations?
"Slaw is where it's at!"
It is comforting and convenient to believe that the popular mystery writer Janet Evanovich enjoys huge sales of her books because of the ability to comprehend the landscape of the American reader’s value system and then reflect this back to them in narrative form.
The alternative – believing that Ms. Evanovich is simply defining values and emotional landscapes which are then shoveled into a mass consumer audience, is insightful but perhaps because of its elitist assumptions about culture still misses the mark.
The question of whether art reflects or dictates values is a false dichotomy that ultimately limits a understanding of what is at stake by framing the limits of the question. There are two interrelated questions marginalized by this chicanery.
How does the mechanism that chooses one from a thousand other mystery writer’s function and what are the interests of those who control that process. And second, how does a particular book end up in a persons hands. Here what is needed is a description of the various systems and processes of distribution.
This would include factoring in advertisement, critique and more obvious forms such as shipping. Of course to answer that fully the interests of the people who control these process would also need considered.
These questions are not tools merely to critique what is commonly thought of as popular mass cultural forms, but should be asked of any art form at any point in history.
It is my contention that the surface value as represented in the art form is simply the carrier of the value system embodied in the logic of the process and the interests of the people who directly benefit from that process.
The real values being imposed on people are of a second order. These values involve how a culture will reproduces itself and how that is decided.
From this perspective what is to be analyzed is not the immediate details of characters and situations in books as they stand in relationship to the general society or a body of readers.
What this tries to get at are the reasons that certain novels and the picture of culture they represent slide so fluently through the creation and distribution process that is the book industry.
The mystery waiting to be unraveled is why readers, who have original, complex and nuanced, emotional and intellectual lives would choose to spend time with characters who represent stereotyped values and situations?
Monday, December 14, 2015
Drew de Barentin, Drouet de Barentin Life & Times
by Truman Pennell Keesey
Here is a sample of one of the scores of biographies of one of the Pinel/Pennell bloodlines of the Isle of Jersey, from 1066 and before up until the twentieth century. Go to here to learn of the other biographies that the book holds.
Note About the Style
If the style of the writin seems a tad strange to you, it is for that it edges toward the worthy aim of "no latin-rooted words", which trend is to be the way in the hereafter, of all of the worthy folks of earth today. The worthy Samuel Ampzing set the forerunner for the spurnin of latin-rooted words.
[Drouet de Barentin and many other of Pennells' forebears had the job of "jurat" in the Isle of Jersey. To know what that job entailed, I offer a description of a contemporaneous and likely very similar system over in England.]
English Trials of the Twelfth Hundred Years
Here, below, is the kind of fol-de-rol that our jurat forebears were tied up in. The description is from England, but there would have been many likenesses in Jersey:
Law-Things were held in the open-air on the most outstandin hill in the neighborhood.
A swayman of the neighborhood, in Jersey he would have been a "bailiff", would have overseen the doins. The doomsmen, tagged "jurats" must come. They were big landholders who had been picked by the freemen of the neighborhood, and were twelve in sum.
The bailiff oversaw the doins, and told forth the doom at the end. The doomsmen were to find what doom would be right.
If two men were against one another, and their tales were not alike, then the hidden hand of ghostly might would tell the true answer in one of three ways:
1. Oath.
2. Ordeal.
3. Fightin.
Oath: Were a man blamed for a misdeed, he was made to say upon his oath, that he was guiltless. Most often oath-helpers were needed to uphold his oath. An oath-helper upheld the man's good name and that his oath was "clean".
There were ways set up, for knowin how many oath-helpers were needed, and how high they ought to be in rank. Any falterin in speech was deemed to be tellin the untroth of the blamed man.
Ordeal: Should the misdeed be a matter of law and not mere unlikeness of mind between two men, then oath was not used to find whether he was blameful.
Water was enchanted by a priest, so as to take in the unguilty and to ban the guilty folks. Whoever would sink in the water was shown to be unguilty. The floater was deemed to be guilty. Followin is a tale of a mainland trial that was done in the said way:
Two serfs at Soissons were blamed of holdin meetins outside of those of the Roman church. A deep vat of water was enchanted by the Roman priests.
One of the serfs, Clement, was tied up and tossed into the tank, and he floated, leading to the thought that the "holy water" had spurned him and that he was therefore guilty.
After that, the other serf told that he had done so also. Two others were gripped with the two. Some folks of the neighborhood, who were stirred up and lusty about upholdin the ways or Rome, they broke into the stronghold and burnt the four gripped men to death. 1114
In the ordeal by fire a rod of iron was heated until it became white. It was put into the blamed man's hand, and he took three steps before lettin go of the rod. His hand was wrapt in dressin of cloth.
Three days were allowed to go by. The men of the Thing looked at his hand. If he was blameless, then his scathe was clean, but a besmirched scathe was deemed to show his guilt.
Fightin: The blamed man might be made to fight against his blamer. Only those whole and not maimed, who were neither too young nor too old could so fight.
Were the strife about land, then the men, who were against each other, could be upheld by stand-ins, who were meant to have been of their own team. However, it came to happen that sometimes stand-ins were hired who were outsiders.
If the strife was not about land, then there must be no stand-in, the strivers must fight against each other.
The blamer had a day to make the blamed man to yield and to tell that he was in the wrong. Were he to fail so to do, then he was deemed to have lied.
The Roman church forfended ordeals in 1215. Trial by fightin was kept up for about twenty years, but by and by was given up.
The name of the oath-helpers was changed to "compurgators". Those were more akin to the later "juries" than the doomsmen were.
Drew de Barentin
b. 1190 lived until 1265 maybe son of Hugo. Drew, Duit, Drocus, Drogo, or Drouet De Barentine. His name means "dragon", which is also called "drake". Likely it shows the blood of the devil among the forebears of Drouet, what today has been called "reptilian blood", which comes from havin bred with the Children of Ivaldi.
There was one or two younger Drew also. One was written to have died in 1253 in warfare when his father was twenty-three years of age. Obviously there are mistakins in the lore. Maybe some good cousin will hash it out for us for the next edition. Beware.
We have found no writin that tells, to us, how Drouet got the outstandin Swaymanship of the steadin of Rozel, shortly before the year 1220.
Tryin to understand how he got it, I'll go out on a limb here and say that Engelramus de Fournet switched sides. He took the side of the landking Philip the second of France against landking John Plantagenet of England.
That was when John took the young duke Arthur of Brittany, whereafter the duke was never again seen.
The role of the Vieuxpont or Vetripont Norman family, forebears of one of the benefactors to our kind, John Cockburn, in landking John's treatment of Arthur of Brittany, is told of in "The House of Doughty" in this set of books.
Engelramus held the swaymanship of Rozel before Drew had it. How Drew got it? The changin of the ownership of the stead was fought against in a lawsuit. I wonder was it settled by oath, ordeal, or by fightin?
The writins about the lawsuit give the thought that Engelramus had been workin for the landking of France, although Engelramus was later on in the rolls of Henry Plantagenet the third. The writins seem to tell that the huge bit of land and the rank were given to Drew freely by landking Henry. So whose side was Engelramus on?
Pennells' forebear Drew would have been about fourteen years of age durin the strife. As a youth who was raised in the ways of Vikins, to some stretchin, he might have been allowed in an onslaught at that age.
Some kings' sons in the sagas were even younger in their first onslaughts. Howe'er it was, either he or his father we must suppose upheld John while Engelramus upheld landking Philip the second Despicabilis of the House of Hugh Capet, though Engelramus later took up the side of the Plantagenets.
Philip was trampin around on the grounds that had been strengthened by John's brother Richard the Lion Hearted, so that John, to hopefully keep his good name and also his holdins, must thereto tramp himself, with his warhost.
By and by the warhost of Philip overwhelmed that of John in sundry strongholds and burgs. Either Drew or his dad, or even both of them, must have trampen and slain along with John and the rest of his warhost.
That would have been a typical wherefor, for the givin of land to a highborn House. Landking Henry gave to Drew the rank and job of Warden of the Isles (or Governor) in the year 1220.
Drew was away fightin for Henry in Wales three years afterward, so we can safely think that he had set up underlins to do the wardin of the isles for him. Undoubtedly among them were some forebears of the Pennells.
The Normans of England and the Plantagenets together had been tryin to get the land in Wales for couple of hundredyears. It would be almost routine for landking Henry to have made a biddin to get land there, since it would have been thought of as one of the next steps in growin his family's sway.
Moreover, were he not so to try, the Welshmen would try to take the lands that he held anyway, so that takin their lands was, in the thinkin of the times, a good way to stay safe.
Henry's men were fightin along the borders of Wales from 1220 until 1229, while Llewellyn the Great ab Iorwerth was the landking in Wales. In the same time Llewellyn was buildin stronghold after stronghold along the borders. Before then, there were no hardcore strongholds in Wales.
William Marshal was the second jarl of Pembroke. Therein, in Pembroke, Llewellyn wasted the strongholds of Narberth and Wiston and burnt the burg Haverfordwest in 1220. He threatened the stronghold of Pembroke, but William bought him off for a hundred pounds.
Came 1223. Early in the year Llewellyn went over the border into Shropshire and took the strongholds of Kinnerly and Whittinton. The Marshalls went over to Ireland and raised a warhost there, and shipped them over the sea to the burg of Saint David's in April.
They took the burgs of Cardigan and Carmarthen, in Wales. Nobody was there to fight against them, for Llewellyn and his host were busy over in Pembroke.
Now here is where Drew likely went in. A warhost of landking Henry's went to uphold that of the Marshalls. All together they took the burg Montgomery.
There Llewellyn made a calmness with Henry and his folks in October of 1223. They swapped back sundry lands to their erst owners. We reckon that at that time went Drew back to Jersey, likely, for he was allowed to have a market and a warren in that selfsame year.
A Market for Drew
Drew's wife was Jane. They, the de Barentins, held a manor in Norfolk called "Cheveres". The boss man allowed him beginnin in 1223 to hold a weekly market and a yearly fair at Cheveres. MCI -- money comin in.
Of course Drew had to pay for bein allowed to have a market. He was also allowed a free warren on his odals there. That meant he was allowed to have a park for wild game and to hunt on it.
The war was still goin on on the Welsh borders for another six years, but Drew had done his bit, and I guess it was not that urgent to have "all hands" in the fightin there.
Before I tell about markets of the time, let me tell, to you about guilds. Guilds sort of went before markets, though we don't know whether Jersey had any guilds or not.
The Folks of the Early Burgs Were Not Free
All the land in England and Jersey was split into odals called "manors". Swaymen such as Drew de Barantin held sway over the burgsfolk who dwelt on his land. He made them to do jobs for the sake of the upholdin of his little cosmos within the cosmos of his overlin.
If Drew's setup was typical, then the followin description fits in many ways.
Land, whereon burgs grew, belonged to landkings, barons, and abbots. The jobs done for Drew by the burgsfolk paid for the use of Drew's land. Thralls worked the farms while craftsmen and chapmen were in the burgs.
All must work three days of each week to get the needed supply to give to the Drew for the upholdin of his cosmos. Moreover they must do boon-work and give out to Drew quit-rent in tokens of trade or in corn, herrins, honey, or other things.
"Corn" means "grain of any kind". Robinson Crusoe called all of his grains "corn". Bible does the same. The swayman such as Drew had a mill. Supposin that Drew had one too, the folks with corn must trade to Drew to have their corn to be ground.
The landking had a sheriff and the other swaymen such as Drew had stewards who upheld the laws in the burg and took the goods that the burgmen gave out for their bein allowed to dwell and to work there.
"New Ways" Means New Blood
Burgification is a function of hybridity with the folk of Finda. Children of Thor or of Frya or even of Adam do not form nor swarm to great burgs without havin been hybridized with the Children of Finda.
Children of Finda are the Vaisyas, the merchants, farmers, and traders. Thus burgs, tradin, and crafts are all of one spring.
"Civilis" means "city" so that civilization is outside the likin of the folks of Thor and Frya. In the Earth at the time of this keyin, "cities" are cancerous tumors on the face of Earth. They have been formed and upheld by our foes.
Perhaps the great burgs of olden times were less scatheful than those of today. Cain was the first maker of great burgs, and today's great burgs are reverberations of his early doins. Bad neighborhood.
Thus a span of time in the tale of England and Jersey, wherein burgs, trade, and craft grew in might, shows to us a waxin of the blood of Finda in the folks. The blood of Thor and Frya fights for their freedom, while the blood of Finda wants the burgs, the trade, and the craft.
I'll give an example. I was in the fellowship of a man who was hybrid between dark Italian and Anglo-Saxon. We went into the big store for buildin supplies.
I absent-mindedly wandered around with him as he picked up and looked with great keenness upon sundry things to be used in buildin and upkeep of houses. I was never keen about any such things while I was in the store.
I said "absent-mindedly", so that I was in kind of a half-trance, and I found myself unwittinly pickin up anything that resembled a weapon, such as a gun, knife or spear, and absent-mindedly wieldin it as though it were a weapon.
That was where my keeness lay, not in tools and buildin materiaux, but in weapons only. The other man's keeness was for the tools, gadgets, and materiaux.
That happenin shows an unlikeness of mind between the mind or the stirrins of the craftsman and those of the Sons of Thor.
Now to give a full sight of how things are, I'll tell that I too have the blood of Finda to some stretchin.
I have given keen thought to burgs, to trade, and to craft at times while in the fellowship of others who were keen on those things. Were I fully of Thor's I might never have even given any room for such thinkin.
My dad, mom, and brother all had signs of other races showin. My dad had black hairs, but his Y Chromosome was a Gothic one from southern Sweden, so that the mightiest factor in his DNA was of the blood of Magni. He had freckles, so he was also of the blood of Halfdan the Old.
No Writin about Guilds in Jersey
The way, in which the cosmos of the middle aeon was set up, stifled the betterment of the ways of tradin and of craft. The blood of Thor in the burgsfolk gave to them the stirrin to become free from the yoke of the swayman such as Drew.
They wanted also to have some say-so in the pickin of the men who looked after the followin of the wonted ways among folks, and who reckoned the winners in claims about holdins or about scathe, instead of their bein picked by the landking or other swayman.
By and by tradesmen got together and chapmen got together and made for themselves tight bunds, which came after a while to be called "guilds". They put stress upon their overlins so as to get for themselves the aims that I just told of."
Did the craftsmen of Drew's odals do likewise? There is no writin to say that they did. But elsewhere, and maybe in Drew's odals as well, the followin tale shows to us how things grew. For the sake of illustration we merely suppose that it was bein done in Drew's odals. Maybe it wasn't. Read on.
"As an outcomin of the makin of bunds, the sum of craftsmen in burgs waxed and new crafts arose. English craftsmen became highly skilled and some of the goods that they made were among the best in Europe.
"For showin, at far markets, the scarlet that was made in Lincoln or the blue woollen stuff of Beverley were widely known for their high quality alongside with the best well-known Italian and Flemish things."
"The master-craftsmen of the same trade who dwelt in the same town went together into bunds which were called 'craft guilds'. Each craft had its own guild; there were guilds of weavers, dyers, shoemakers, hatters, bakers, glassmakers and many others. There were many guilds of smiths.
"Their craft was very weighty, most of all at a time when things were made by hand. Already in the Domesday Book six forges in the town of Hereford were told of as well as those of the ironsmiths and coppersmiths.
"Later on, there were guilds of armourers, goldsmiths, locksmiths and many others. The chapmen of a burg made a bund known as a 'merchant guild'.
"Many English surnames aim to the trades or jobs of those to whom they were given. Such names as Baker, Butcher, Chapman, Wright, Fletcher, Tailor, Smith, are job surnames, and there are dozens of others. It was in the time of the guilds that the use of those job surnames became common."
The word guild arose from the keepin of gold in the holdins of the bund. Early writers (ninth hundred hears) told of their witchy doins, such as makin drunken oaths at Yul. They swore to uphold one another in hardship, and to back one another in feuds or in business doins.
Later writers said that the guildsmen must be of the Roman church in order to be allowed into the guilds.
Jersey was a bit of Normandy, and the guilds were already in Normandy before the takin of England by duke William. Therefore guilds were in Jersey, we think maybe.
We have found no writins about guilds havin been in Jersey. My feelin is that guilds were not so mighty in Jersey as they were in England. Maybe there were no guilds at all in Jersey.
Guilds Never Stopped from Growin until Now
Guilds began to get traction and might when the highborn needed to rely on them for tokens of trade. In order to get needed tokens of trade, highborn such as Drew would give a charter to a guild, allowin it to have a monopoly in its burg.
The guild would pay the highborn man from time to time. By and by the guilds grew in might, while at the same time becomin more and more private and conspiratorial.
"Here is a bit of the charter of Henry II Plantagenet to the Oxford shoemakers granted in 1175:
'Know you that I have granted and confirmed to the shoemakers of Oxford all the freedom and ways which they had in the time of King Henry, my grandfather and that they have their guild, so that none carry on their trade in the town of Oxford, except he is of that guild…
"For this grant and confirmation, however, the shoemakers ought t pay to me every year an ounce of gold.'
"Whereas swaymen such as Drew owned the burgs, after he sold a charter to a guild, nobody had the right to make or to sell goods in a burg if he was not a member of a guild.
"A stranger, even if he had come from another town only fifty miles away, was looked upon as a foreigner. At the gate he would be asked by the gate-keepers very closely about his business before bein let in.
"If he had come with anything to be sold in the market, he would have to give out a heavy toll. In that way many 'foreigners' were kept away and trade was kept for Drew's townsmen.
"In many cases they became the the body that held all sway over a burg. For showin, London's Guildhall became the seat of the Court of Common Council of the City of London Corporation, the world’s oldest continuously elected local government, whose members to this day must be Freemen of the City.
"The Freedom of the City, effective from the Middle Ages until 1835, gave the right to trade, and was only bestowed upon members of a Guild or Livery."
"If you love me keep my biddins." -- Jesus Messiah
"Like most setups durin the Middle Ages, guilds or livery companies must forge close ties with the Roman church [at least before the uprisin of the upholders of Breathgiver's law]
"by givin to religious setups such as chantry chapels and churches, by holdin religious festivaux with hostin ceremonies and their well-known mystery plays. Most livery companies have kept their old-time links to Rome."
"Keep my biddins and do them." -- Breathgiver
A chantry or (from Latin) obiit ("he has gone"; ) was a kind of fund set up in the time before the comin of the upholders of breathgiver's law in England.
It was set up to hire one or more priests to sing a sum of masses for a dead soul named by the one who hired the priest. "Obiit" may also be used to mean to the mass or masses themselves.
Guilds have been gettin bigger and bigger for over twelve hundred years. You never hear about them, except for freemasonry, but they are bigger and mightier than ever before. They are so mighty that they are able to keep out of the news, for they have owned the men who own the mass media.
In England the guilds grew to the state where they held sway over every land and folk on earth. Freemasonry began as a guild. Every important man on Earth is a freemason, such as the pope, cardinals, presidents, kings, all CEOs of big corporations, top celebrities and so on.
The City of London, which is an independent burg, independent of the United Kingdom, has sway over the economy of all Earth. It began as a set of guilds. It was the guilds of the City of London who executed the 9-11 controlled demolitions, along with the optical illusions that were used in them.
The landqueen of England must show subordination to the Lord Mayor of the City of London.
In turn the freemasons and the guilds of the City of London have kept under the yoke of Rome, in secret.
The point here is that guilds began as small brotherhoods in a local burg, and grew into huge enormous secret societies who have been the real executives behind all the presidents, and all the folks whom you may have seen in the news.
The other point is, we have found no writin about any guild havin been in Jersey, and in the examples, we only made believe that Drew had sold guildships to the craftsmen of his towns, to keep your interest as you read.
The Growin of Markets
Dwellers in the bigger burgs in Jersey and elsewhere had to lean more and more on the folks of neighbourin lands for their foodstuffs and raw materiaux for their crafts.in the thirteenth and fourteenth hundred years.
Trade between Drew's burgs and the farms began to grow. Same as it was in Jersey, it was even more so in England and in Europe. The tale of England we will, until gettin more lore about it, suppose to have happened also in Drew's odals.
Craftsmen arose, who were not farmers. Craftwork was sundered from farmin. The sunderin of craftwork from farmin, and the growth of Drew's burgs, brought about great changes in the ways wherein the supply in Drew's lands.
The craftsmen of Drew's towns made things, that is, goods made for sale, they sold their goods for tokens of trade and bought foodstuffs and things of other craftsmen for themselves, and raw materiaux for their workinshops.
Thus the makin of things began to grow in Drew's burgs, that is, the setup of makin things whereunder goods were made for sale and not for the use of their maker. Bit by bit a setup grew up in Drew's burgs whereby instead of in work, as was done in Drew's great steadins, trade was given out in tokens of trade.
In this setup Drew's farmers could grow things faster. Then there was too much food to be eaten by the folks of Drew's great steadins.
Lowly growers then could use the stuff they grew as quit-rent to Drew, tokens of trade instead of work, and then some had somethin that they could sell; for showin -- unneeded beasts or wool. Folks of Drew's burgs would buy those things.
You can see how the markets worked for them. King needed tokens of trade, gave market to Drew for a fee, then the sellers gave tokens of trade to Drew for the market. Chapmen arose, middle men to buy from one and sell to another. Tokens of trade flowed throughout the land.
Takin Back Gascony
A great moot was held in London in February of 1225. The men of the moot deemed to send the sixteen-year-old brother of landking Henry Plantagenet the third of England to Gascony, at the head of a warhost.
Much of tokens of trade was raised by the thinnin out of the freedoms erst given by the writs of older times. Richard was the brother's name. Henry gave to him a rank of "warhorseman". He was given the county of Cornwall for so long as Henry would like him to keep it.
William Longsword had gotten the rank and the job of the jarldom of Salisbury by weddin Ela of Salisbury. The was thus the third jarl of Salisbury. He had been the winnin leader of the Plantagenets' warhost at the Onslaught of Damme in 1213.
Magna Carta was a writin givin freedom to the highborn and folks of England. The barons used might to make John Plantagenet to sign it. Hugh Bigod was the third jarl of Norfolk. He had been one of the sureties in the makin up of the Magna Carta.
The moot in London picked William to guide Richard Plantagenet throughout the war in Gascony. He was paid by bein given wardship of the lands of Hugh Bigod, who had just died that same month.
William Longsword owed tokens of trade to Henry Plantagent. We reckon his debt was ended by doin the job in Gascony.
Hubert de Bergh was the first jarl of Kent. Hubert was top headman under Henry Plantagenet the third, and he held mighty sway. William Longsword had been Hubert's man in Gascony. Richard Marshall jarl of Pembroke had been Hubert's man in Ireland.
Henry the third was only about eighteen years of age, and was not deemed by the highborn of England to have been yet old enough to do his own thinkin about great things, and, so, Hubert was doin the thinkin.
Drew de Barantin might then have gone with Richard's warhost to Bordeaux, leavin his steadmen behind to warden Jersey. Drew would have been at the head of a warband of some ilk or other.
The folks of Bordeaux gave warm welcome to Richard and his host. The tokens of trade that the moot had raised up for Richard he straightway spent in Bordeaux to hire warriors.
Burgs, that had earlier gone to the side of landking Chlodwig the Lion the eighth of France, of the House of Hugh Capet, switched to the side of Richard Plantagenet.
Richard wrote back to Henry: "already had Gascony free and cleared of your foes but for la Reole, and the outstandin men of Gascony are in your troth but for Elyas Ridel of Bergerac"
Archimbaud Talleyrand the second was count of Perigord at the burg of Perigueux.
Elyas had erst been the man to keep the marches against the foes of Henry. He had griped to Henry about Henry's new man in Gascony. He asked for the old one back, and was given.
But when Richard Plantagenet went to Gascony Elyas had switched sides. Archimbaud Talleyrand was Hugh de Lusignan's warman in Gascony, and Hugh was Chlodwig's man. Without Elyas, there was no wardin against Archimbaud on behalf of the Plantagenets.
Meanwhile the town of la Reole held sway over some bits of the river Garonne. Its folks sent tradin goods down the river, but times had been when the folks of Bordeaux had hindered the shippin of the folks of la Reole, bein on the same river downstream.
The folks of la Reole felt that the House of Capet would stand for their wants. Chlodwig the Lion Capet gave to the folks of the burg many allowances in 1224. The burgsfolk were on his side.
Chlodwig upheld the banishment of the family Piis, who in la Reole had upheld the Plantagenets. He set up a warhost in the town. See, you got to be busy, and keep on top of things. Can't just let things run their own course.
A man wrote to Hubert to tell, to him, of the dearth of supply and means down in Gascony among Richard's warhost late in July. For that dearth Richard held back from makin onslaught against the two hubs. The writin reminded Hubert of his sayins that he had made earlier, sayin that he would uphold the warhost with supply.
A fleet sailed from England. It bore six thousand marks of silver, jewels, and cloth. Ten days afterward the fleet was in Bordeaux. More was sent afterward. Big time. August.
More warhorsemen and serjeants went from England to Gascony with thousands of marks of silver. If Drew Barantin didn't go to Gascony in the first wave, he surely did in the latter one.
Serjeanty
Serjeanty was the givin of a stead in land to a man for doin a deed other than the deeds of a warhorseman. Most often it was a job in the household of the landking or other highly rankin man. Sometimes the job was to fight with such kind of gear as was unlike that of a warhorseman.
Other times the job might have been some small thing, not much unlike the givins or doins of a tenant farmer.
So serjeants were among them, who were sent to Gascony to fight, they had gear unlike the gear that the warhorsemen had.
Richard led the host into warfare. As he tightened his grip (keep in mind he was under the guidance of William Longsword) around la Reole, Chlodwig sent Hugh de Lusignan with a second-string warband of warhorsemen to intercede.
Richard backed off of the onslaught against la Reole with his host and ambushed the warband of Hugh's. He kept Hugh from goin over the river Dordogne.
Hugh went off to uphold Bergerac, but in the meanwhile Elyas had switched sides again and went against Hugh's warband. In November the folks of la Reole gave in. Richard might have gone on to take Poitou, but that William Longsword had taken sick and gone back to England.
Drew de Barantin went back to Jersey in 1226. Runnin his markets and huntin on his warren, we ween.
Hostin the Warhost in Jersey after the Winnin of Gascony
Not much has been written about the next nine years. One year the Channel Islands were used as a hub for a Plantagenet's warhost to make onslaught against France. 1232.
The year before that one, a three-year truce had been vowed between Drew's boss Henry and Chlodwig the ninth Capet. The next year landking Henry picked other wardens of the isles, besides Henry de Trubleville.
That was the year when the warhost was in the islands. Mayhap Henry de Trubleville was to be in the itinerant warhost.
While the warhost was on the island, Drew would have been showin off his wealth and hospitality to highborn guests who were leadin the warhost that was in the islands waitin to go into some bit of what has lately been called "France".
Some of them no doubt would have been sleepin in his guestrooms and dinin at his board. There would have been fancy entertainments.
Warden Drew Again
Another truce with Chlodwig was made by Henry, and, so, as things changed outside, so did Drew's job again change. Again Drew was given the job of warden of the isles from 1235-1236. Those bosses, like Henry and the sundry swaymen of the isles, kept switchin men in the jobs. One year they are on Jersey, another year in England, and another in Gascony.
Landking Henry Plantagenet the third made sure of Drew's latest wardin job in writin. It was a good job. You usually didn't have to do that much, just boss some under-wardens and be sure that they picked up tokens of trade from the folks next under them.
Same way as the mafia operated, except that the basis was useful work and products, rather than foolishness.
Drew took his tokens of trade from his underlins and gave a bit of it upline to the Swayman of the Isles who was Henry de Trubleville. Henry was a widely known warrior from England.
Remember, and this is befuddled, the warden was a Jerseyman ordinarily, while the Swayman was from England or some other whereabouts, but the swayman was sometimes called "warden". And the warden was sometimes called "bailiff".
Apostle Drew
Drew was apostle to Rome beginnin in 1239. After sixteen years of huntin on-and-off on his warren went he, but from that year he could hunt no more in his warren, for he was in Rome.
We don't know exactly what Drew did in Rome, but with a bit of study we can paint an interestin picture of some of the things that were on the minds of himself and those with whom he met while he was there. 1239 was a critical year for Rome.
At the time the pope was Greggie the ninth, of the Conti crime family of the wicked burg of Anagni, Itaglia, but his real-person name was "Hughie".
The Conti family is one of thirteen old, old Zoroastrian families of the Saturnalian Brotherhood, who upheld the two-sided Roman practice of doin Babylonian religion in private,
with human sacrifices underneath the vatican, cannibalism, and sodomistic rites, and submission to the will of devils, while offerin paganism to the masses with the names changed to disguise what it really was.
Hughie's cousin was pope Innie the third. He gave to his cousin Hughie the cushy job of hinge-deacon of the church of Eustace.
It is the same today as it was in those days, only now more covertly done: anybody who would not go under the yoke of the pope was tortured and killed either in an inquisition or a crusade.
Nine-eleven, the bombin of the Orthodox Serbs, the war against Islam, and the Gulf Oil onslaught all are attacks against us and others by the pope for not bein his underlins.
The real talent of a pope is that he is a paramount sorcerer, his great talent is to cast a spell over the masses of Earth, so as to blind them to what is really bein done to them, and who is doin it.
There was a movin picture They Live. In it there was an antenna that sent out a wave that caused everybody not to see what was really happenin. In real life that antenna betokens the sorcery done by the pope. The pope is the antenna. He has been castin spells, and those spells are the waves of the antenna.
Those thirteen Zoroastrian families used to like to be in the visible spot of pope. By and by they eased themselves into the background, and put front men up from lesser families, while they pulled the strings secretly through their networks. The last I heard twelve of the families relocated to China, and one to Turkey.
The headman of the Conti family has sat on the jesuit council until this day. So they are in no way gone or passe, just quiet, cool.
"Go, man, go, but not like a yo-yo, schoolboy...just play it cool, boy -- real cool."
That burg Anagni was the breedin ground for that crime family Conti and the other one the Caetani crime family. Four of the sorcerers who were made to be popes were from that burg and were from also those two crime families, while four other of them were from the Conti crime family, makin a total of eight.
While you read this book about folks from the Isle of Jersey, you'll see how highborn families livin in the same neighborhood come to be all related. Bein so close to each other the Contis and the Caetanis, and, for that matter, the other eleven Zoroastrian families are bound to be basically just one big family with thirteen names.
For example if you were from a family of the Western Isles of Scotland, say, MacLean, you wouldn't even have to do genealogical research to know for certain that you were also a McKinnon, MacLeod, Macdonald and MacNeal. Same way, if I see a highborn family's name from early Jersey, I know I am one of them.
So much evil came out of that burg Anagni that Breathgiver wiped it out once already, just as he said he's goin to waste Rome, the most evil burg of late history, after a while. And it won't be long, the time is almost here.
Any how that is who Drew was sent to deal with. Likely, with a name that meant "dragon" he was quite the sorcerer himself, but not of so old and mighty and set-up a family as the pope himself.
The Wastin of Anagni
When Breathgiver began to waste the evil town of Anagni, a Caetani from that burg was pope, Bonnie the third. He was the fourth pope of Anagni, a member of the mighty Caetani crime family. His popeship, was not allowed by French hinges and by the mighty Colonna family.
Philip the Fair was landking of France. He went and taxed the Roman priests in France. Bonnie said "no, no, no, I have absolute supremacy over earthly might, against any king." 1302.
Philip outfitted a warhost to grip Bonnie, so as to get a gatherin together to vote him out. Against Philip two thousand mercenary fighters were hired and led by Bill de Nogaret and Sciarra Colonna both on horseback and on foot.
Neighborhood homies took Philip's side, and made onslaught against the fancy houses of Bonnie, whose real-person name was "Bennie". They went after also the fancy houses of Bennie's nephew. Bennie's main house was in Anagni.
All the folks on Bennie's side quit the burg in a hurry. Bennie was left behind with Pete Rodriguez, the hinge of Sabina. The good guys gripped Bennie and starved him for three days without givin, to him, anythin wet to be drunken by him.
Hey that is scarcely any hardhip at all -- Karl the Frank (called by the insipid "Charlemagne") used to behead anybody who didn't fast for forty days.
Bennie was sprung by townies (no doubt his own kindred), but did not live long after that. Soon the burg faded and went downhill, while the Caetani family went underground.
By and by the stouthearted and useful duke Werner von Urslingen's warband sacked the burg, and it was a total loss and nobody lived there any longer. It stayed that way a long time. Good for him! Hurray!
Lately the burg has been built up somewhat and has been the dwellin spot of popes.
Goins on About Rome When Drew Was There
Hughie got a name for torturin and slayin anybody who would not show subordination to him. He gave them a name "heretic" to make it sound bad, but, in truth, he was the bad and they were often the good ones.
Not only did Hughie's team use the self-servin and often untrue label of "heretic", they took it a step further with what the tellers-of-the-tale have called the “demonisation of heretics” by the Roman church, layin the wherefore -- for their freedom and free behavior -- in their refusin to take the yoke -- to the devil.
Both the pope and the hinges fanatically and doggedly all sent out torturers to find anybody who might assert their freedom.
Hughie wasn't the first to do it, either. From his cousin Innnie the third and from Greggie the seventh Hughie got the notion the the popes were the bosses of the whole earth and everybody in it, and if you didn't like it you got tortured and killed.
But if you did like it you had to pay and pay, while they lived in the wealthiest luxury imaginable.
Before he was pope Hughie was a hinge and a bishop, and that was while he buddied up to the queen of England, whose name happened to be, at the time, Isabelle. She was queen of England although she had no English background whatsoever, bein from Angouleme.
But nobody was goin to say anythin about it, for they would have had to have raised a warband and gone to war about it, but who is goin to do that when you are busy growin crops for your landlo'ward?
And why should the king care, as long as he gets his payments and his long dresses, crowns, sceptre, chair, horsie, knights, chasteaux, and whatnot? And I forgot to mention his fiddlers three. And all the king's horses and all the king's men.
Hughie was buddyin up to Isabelle and that somehow got Drew into the job of apostle to Rome I am sure of it.
So in the year when Drew went to Rome there was a lot happenin. One of the biggest shots in Europe was not bendin the knee at an acute enough angle for Hugie.
His name was Frederick the second Kaiser of Europe. Some how the bosses over in Rome had gotten Frederick to say that he would be their tool in the work they wanted to be done in the mideast. Fightin, I'm talkin about, warmakin.
Frederick had no problem with warmakin, but not for some sicko like Hughie. He didn't actually know how great sorcerers were Hugie and his coven, nor was he schooled in what to do about it. All that was back in 1220.
Year of our lo'ward. Of his kingship. But not the exact year of his kingship, the year of the aeon of his kingship, which was a few years before his actual kingship.
See, years are written as the so-and-soeth day of the reign of king so-and-so. 1220 was the 1220th year of the reign of Jesus, except that it wasn't.
It was the year of the AEON of his kingship. Slightly unlike way of reckonin, but close. You get the sentiment behind it, it's the kingship, still is the kingship, never stopped, he came back from death. Onward, ever onward!
Hughie made bosslike maneuvers by sayin that Frederick was for a while not to be kaiser any longer because he was too slow to obey Hughie. Frederick sought fellowship among landkings of Europe that they might uphold his side.
Next Hughie banned Frederick put the ban on him. Hughie threatened to take away the kaisership from Frederick and no comin back. By and by Frederick went and took Jerusalem for Hughie.
Reggie was Frederick's swayman in Spoleto Reggie was from Urslingen, the same town whence came Werner who later wasted the evil town Anagni. Urslingen must have been "The Spot", the good spot, where the good stuff was happenin!
While Frederick was out of continent, Reggie made onslaught against Hughie's bailiwick. Good for him! Hughie sent a warhost to make onslaught against Sicily. Frederick got back just in time to stop Hughie's warhost from doin that, which it had set out to do. Frederick's warhost made Hughie's warhost to run away.
Then Frederick, still not sure of how to be safe from Hughie's sorcery, tried to get a calm relationship with him. His goin back to Itaglia was June, 1229. They made calmness between them.
One day Hughie decided that he was goin to pontificate. He didn't have all that much to think about while Frederick was bein relatively calm.
So he decided that he would pontificate about black cats. He said that they were the embodiment of the devil, and that all, of his underlins, should kill all, of the black cats. Most of them in Europe were therefore so killed.
What was behind it, some of Hughie's men had found out that small time covens were usin black cats for sorcery. Nonononono, only Hughie and his pack were to have the monopoly on sorcery, so away went the black cats of Europe. Kind of like today's war on drugs.
All the congressmen, governors, chieves of police, president, kings, queens, lords, bishops, and whatnot have their thumb in the drug pie, makin big bucks from it.
In order to make it seem as though they are against it, they bust the competition, and that is your "war on drugs". Same way with the papal fightin against witchcraft, when themselves were and are the biggest witches.
By and by the year 1239 came, the year when Drew went to Roma from Jersey. The Longbeards had made a bund called "The Lombard League" for to stop Frederick from takin over Itaglia. But Frederick beat the bund that year, and Hughie felt insecurely, as though he might lose his bosshood to Frederick.
There was an outbreak of hostilities. That's right, an outbreak. Of hostilities. That's what Wikipedia said, and who am I to gainsay it? What does it mean, though? Does it mean that Frederick shot paperclips at Hughie with a rubber band?
Does it mean that Hughie put up a doctored photo of Frederick on Facebook? Does it mean that some killin was done?
I don't feel like lookin it up and it won't change the tale that much even if I do. Whatever the "hostilities" were that "outbroke", Hughie once again put the ban on Frederick, and pontificated that Frederick could no longer be an official sucker of the church.
Hughie bade the top men of the Roman church to go to an assembly in Roma from both afar and anear. He wanted them to intensify the sorcery of the ban. Frederick then went around and sank many of the ships that bore the men whom Hughie had bidden. This was real-life sword-and-sorcery genre, no lie.
All this was goin on while Drew was at Rome, and what he was sayin or doin about it I suppose that we'll never know, we just know he was there, and it must have been quite a show for him to see all the comins and goins and all the fuss and emotions. One thing we know for sure he did not keep a black cat in his flat.
Drew was given again the job Warden of the Isles in 1240, so we reckon that he went back to home that year. He wasn't in Rome that long.
We take it that he may not have fit in well there, or mayhap was not needed further by Isabella. Drew kept the job of warden until 1252, that time. More huntin on his warren, no doubt. Let's just finish up a bit about Hughie, then we'll get back to Drew's tale.
A year later was a gatherin in Regensburg. A king's son was archbishop of Salzburg, and his name was Eberhard the second von Truchsees. That's right, Eberhard the second von Truchsees. It means, in English, Eberhard the second from Truchsees. Say it three times and it's yours.
Any how, Eberhard was at the gatherin in Regensburg, and he declared, quite openly I might add, that Hughie was the man of whom Breathgiver told us in his Bible "that man of perdition whom they call Antichrist, who in his extravagant boastin says, 'I am the Almighty, I cannot err'".
Eberhard was right of course. All folks who sincerely study Bible realize the same truth, it refers to each pope. And a low relief sculpture of Hughie is in the House of Representatives of the United States of America. Whoah! Smash it.
Finally Hughie kicked off, signed off, went to hell and to await the second death that year, 1241.
The hall at Rozel, owned by Drew, had a high stone-vaulted chapel. Some time before 1240 he picked that hall to be his dwellin.
Some stouthearted fellows in Poitou sought to be free from Chlodwig the ninth Capet, by the means of warfare, in 1242. Henry Plantagenet set out to help them out in May.
He used the Channel Islands as a hub for his comin onslaught. Once again, Drew would have entertained the highborn leaders of the warhost in his halls, and given, to them, bed, board, and music.
Henry Plantagenet made a writ that upheld Drew's wardenship over Jersey and Guersey in 1242. By that writ we find out what was in it for Henry: he got 350 marks each year from Drew for the wardenship. It was written in Latin, which was the speech that Henry was wonted to have written in.
Come 1247, and Drew was given the job of seneschal of Gascony. Once again he must leave his homeland and go afar.until one year afterward. A seneschal was a man who stood for the landking to uphold the landking's laws or other laws that he allowed.
He was also to see to the doin of all that must be done in the landking's behalf. While he was seneschal in Gascony, he seems to have been still warden of the isles. As we learned earlier, that he could do through steadmen called "stewards" in English.
Drew or another Drew de Barrantine was swayman of the Scilly Isles in 1251, and shortly afterwards held the same rank in the Norman islands
Drew's wardenhood was taken from him in 1252 for what wherefore we know not. Henry Plantagenet was puttin his mind toward the settin up of men at arms to hold things together in his kingdom in that same year, so maybe he did somethin that led to Drew's unwardenment.
Nevertheless Drew was given another job in 1253, again seneschal of Gascony. It was the year after the great freedom-fighter Simon de Montfort was taken away from his job as swayman there.
The stronghold of Mont Orgueil was a Barantine holdin. It was the main wardin against foes in the Isle of Jersey, but only until the comin of gunpowder, whereafter it could not be warded.
He or another Drew who was swayman of the isles, was slain in 1253, in a stouthhearted wardin of the stronghold of Mont Orgueil from an onslaught made on it by the Capetians, so it has been written.
If it were the first Drew who was slain, then the rest of this article is about another or two Drew de Barantine who may not be forebear to the Pennells of Beulah Land.
Philip de Carteret and Jordan de La Hogue were bidden straight by the landking himself to check out the strongholds in the islands of Jersey and Guernsey. They were to check the weapons of the strongholds, when Drew of Barentin, warden of the islands, was taken from that job.
The Channel Islands were given over wholly to the ownership of the landking of Engand in 1254-75.
Somewhere on a tropical bit of Earth a mighty volcano shot. It was the mightiest volcano in the heretofore thousands of years. All over earth the sky was darkened by the dust that it had shot forth.
In England temperatures went down four degrees from their wonted heat of the same time of other years. It was 1257 or 1258. Come 1258 a monk wrote,
"The north wind overcame for months… scarcely a small rare flower or shootin germ grew forth, whence the hope of harvest was unsure... such high sum of folks died, that the sum could not be reckoned; and their bodies were found lyin all about swollen from want…
"Nor did those who had homes dare to harbour the sick and dyin, for fear of infection.
"The pestilence was immense – unbearable; it made onslaught against the poor most of all. In London alone fifteen thousand of the poor died; in England and elsewhere thousands died." Lately the sum was reckoned, by countin skeletons, to be closer to eighteen thousand.
More than one third of the folks of London were dead. A great pit was dug for their bodies. More pits were needed elsewhere. Folks would surely have died in Jersey as well. It was in the springtime and the summertime.
Years back, landking Henry said that he was goin to do all the thinkin and would pick without anybody else's say-so what would be done, at all times. The talkin cartoon horse sheriff Quick Draw McGraw, who looked ever away from the wise rede of his fellow, could well have been a caricature of Henry:
"I-lll do all the thinnin around here!"
Actually I fudged that example, for Quick Draw didn't throw out the rede of his fellow, he merely expropriated it and made as though it had been his own thinkin.
Breathgiver has told, to us: "Without rede aims are not fulfilled: but in the multitude of redegivers they are set up as steadfast."
Smart highborn folks saw that Henry's thinkin had not been good enough.
While all the said other folks were dyin, and the crops were not comin, a team of barons got together to make Henry to take them as fellow thinkers and redegivers in the pickin of what was ever goin to be done thereafter. Moreover, the ways of upholdin laws were newly dealt with as never before then.
Henry was broke, was under stress of weapons from Welsh and Scottish highborn workin together, and was broadly facin the aftermath of his erst bad pickin.
A team of Savoyard barons overcame the iniquitous Lusignan faction that had been deleterious to the expression of the true stirrins of the folks of the land, and the said team took sway over all, for the time bein.
Lots of changes were begun and made to be steady. The set of happenins went into June. Highborn Poitevains who had sway in England were blocked. Strongholds the team took.
"This is the love of Breathgiver that we keep his biddins." -- John the Baptist
For the next seven hundred and fifty years we saw folks of the blood of Magni diddlin around with tryin to make laws and a setup of their own makin, instead of followin Breathgiver's law. One reason for that was that Breathgiver's law in writin was not held by most folks, and, thus, was unknown of.
Drew de Barentin he got his old job back of warden of the isles. One writer said "bailiff". Sometimes the writers called the warden a "bailiff". It may have been that so many others had died, that he must be the only one left who could do the job well, or it may have been for some other wherefor.
Leader of the barons who set bounds to Henry's sway was Simon de Montfort. Henry's son Edward took up with Simon. Henry tried to keep Edward from havin any sway in the Channel Islands.
He wrote to Drew on July fourth: "to Drouet de Barentin, to bid him to take good care of the islands and forfend Edward from pickin any of his men there or goin into the islands himself".
Henry must have been a stone fool to have so much faith in the pope, for he asked the pope to annul an oath thathe had taken to uphold the biddin of the barons.
One thing happened in that year that solves a mystery for me. I was wonderin why Drew's later spawn, Clement Pennell, who was from French-speakin Jersey, went to English-speakin New England instead of to somewhere else.
Now we learn that up until that year 1258, French had been the speech among all folks of sway in England, which means also the Channel Islands. In that year the swayfolk switched to English. No doubt Clement Pennell, bein of a family of swayfolk, would have had the maybe of learnin English offered to him.
We see, in the switchin to English speech, Breathgiver's makin ready for the folks of Jersey to take their bit of the great movin of the Children of Magni into Beulah land in later times.
Henry's son Edward was Swayman of the Isles in 1269. He wrote in Latin "to fulfill the checkup by means of the levy, and to be faithful to our Drogo de Barentin , then the bailiff to the islands de Jersey and Guernsey, we order to be made." "The levy" would be the makin of underlins to fight in wardin the islands.
Drew's wardenhood lasted until 1260. While he was warden of the isles he was given also the job again of seneschal of Gascony.
Likely he went to Gascony, while his stewards warded the isles of Jersey and Guernsey, takin the tokens of trade from the folks there, and upholdin the laws and wonted ways, as told of earlier. He stayed seneschal until about 1263
I want to take a breakin here and follow the blood of Drew de Barentin through time:
First, Scythians to Scandinavia. de Barentyn forebears were Scythians
Next, Scandinavians to England. Drew's forebears were Scandinavians and English
Next, Vikins set up Normandy. His forebears were Normans.
Same time, Channel Islands a bit of Nomandy
Next, Normans learned French speech
Next, Basques of Pinel de Bray town with Normans took over England
Next, Highborn in England spoke French
Next, Hybrid Vikin family de Barentin in Jersey
Next, Highborn in England switched to English
Next, Clement Pennell a child of Drew de Barentin and of Basques
At last, Clement Pennell to Beulah Land
William Bastard had built the Stronghold of Windsor. Nowadays it's a huge buildin the size of a small town. It was one of the three dwellins that Henry Plantagenet the third best liked. Henry gave to Drew the job of watchin over the weapons at that stronghold in 1264. Drew's son William was with him in the job, under him.
That means that Henry really liked Drew a lot and wanted Drew to be near to him.
A writin said that Drew was gave out tokens of trade for "goin as the Queen's Messenger beyond the seas, 30 marks for his expenses ; " and in the same year was given out " £10 for palfreys, sumpter-horses, and harness for his two nephews, whom the King, in Gascony, decorated with the belt of a knight."
So Henry gave to two nephews of Drew;s the rank of warhorsemen and gave out the tokens of trade for their horses and tack.
Drew was warden or swayman of the isles until 1272.
Drew was father of William de Barentin. Jane was Drew's wife, and might have been the mother of William.
Thus ends the generous free sample of the book. Be sure to tell your thoughts and feelins in a comment, and thank you therefor!
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Here is a sample of one of the scores of biographies of one of the Pinel/Pennell bloodlines of the Isle of Jersey, from 1066 and before up until the twentieth century. Go to here to learn of the other biographies that the book holds.
Note About the Style
If the style of the writin seems a tad strange to you, it is for that it edges toward the worthy aim of "no latin-rooted words", which trend is to be the way in the hereafter, of all of the worthy folks of earth today. The worthy Samuel Ampzing set the forerunner for the spurnin of latin-rooted words.
[Drouet de Barentin and many other of Pennells' forebears had the job of "jurat" in the Isle of Jersey. To know what that job entailed, I offer a description of a contemporaneous and likely very similar system over in England.]
English Trials of the Twelfth Hundred Years
Here, below, is the kind of fol-de-rol that our jurat forebears were tied up in. The description is from England, but there would have been many likenesses in Jersey:
Law-Things were held in the open-air on the most outstandin hill in the neighborhood.
A swayman of the neighborhood, in Jersey he would have been a "bailiff", would have overseen the doins. The doomsmen, tagged "jurats" must come. They were big landholders who had been picked by the freemen of the neighborhood, and were twelve in sum.
The bailiff oversaw the doins, and told forth the doom at the end. The doomsmen were to find what doom would be right.
If two men were against one another, and their tales were not alike, then the hidden hand of ghostly might would tell the true answer in one of three ways:
1. Oath.
2. Ordeal.
3. Fightin.
Oath: Were a man blamed for a misdeed, he was made to say upon his oath, that he was guiltless. Most often oath-helpers were needed to uphold his oath. An oath-helper upheld the man's good name and that his oath was "clean".
There were ways set up, for knowin how many oath-helpers were needed, and how high they ought to be in rank. Any falterin in speech was deemed to be tellin the untroth of the blamed man.
Ordeal: Should the misdeed be a matter of law and not mere unlikeness of mind between two men, then oath was not used to find whether he was blameful.
Water was enchanted by a priest, so as to take in the unguilty and to ban the guilty folks. Whoever would sink in the water was shown to be unguilty. The floater was deemed to be guilty. Followin is a tale of a mainland trial that was done in the said way:
Two serfs at Soissons were blamed of holdin meetins outside of those of the Roman church. A deep vat of water was enchanted by the Roman priests.
One of the serfs, Clement, was tied up and tossed into the tank, and he floated, leading to the thought that the "holy water" had spurned him and that he was therefore guilty.
After that, the other serf told that he had done so also. Two others were gripped with the two. Some folks of the neighborhood, who were stirred up and lusty about upholdin the ways or Rome, they broke into the stronghold and burnt the four gripped men to death. 1114
In the ordeal by fire a rod of iron was heated until it became white. It was put into the blamed man's hand, and he took three steps before lettin go of the rod. His hand was wrapt in dressin of cloth.
Three days were allowed to go by. The men of the Thing looked at his hand. If he was blameless, then his scathe was clean, but a besmirched scathe was deemed to show his guilt.
Fightin: The blamed man might be made to fight against his blamer. Only those whole and not maimed, who were neither too young nor too old could so fight.
Were the strife about land, then the men, who were against each other, could be upheld by stand-ins, who were meant to have been of their own team. However, it came to happen that sometimes stand-ins were hired who were outsiders.
If the strife was not about land, then there must be no stand-in, the strivers must fight against each other.
The blamer had a day to make the blamed man to yield and to tell that he was in the wrong. Were he to fail so to do, then he was deemed to have lied.
The Roman church forfended ordeals in 1215. Trial by fightin was kept up for about twenty years, but by and by was given up.
The name of the oath-helpers was changed to "compurgators". Those were more akin to the later "juries" than the doomsmen were.
Drew de Barentin
b. 1190 lived until 1265 maybe son of Hugo. Drew, Duit, Drocus, Drogo, or Drouet De Barentine. His name means "dragon", which is also called "drake". Likely it shows the blood of the devil among the forebears of Drouet, what today has been called "reptilian blood", which comes from havin bred with the Children of Ivaldi.
There was one or two younger Drew also. One was written to have died in 1253 in warfare when his father was twenty-three years of age. Obviously there are mistakins in the lore. Maybe some good cousin will hash it out for us for the next edition. Beware.
We have found no writin that tells, to us, how Drouet got the outstandin Swaymanship of the steadin of Rozel, shortly before the year 1220.
Tryin to understand how he got it, I'll go out on a limb here and say that Engelramus de Fournet switched sides. He took the side of the landking Philip the second of France against landking John Plantagenet of England.
That was when John took the young duke Arthur of Brittany, whereafter the duke was never again seen.
The role of the Vieuxpont or Vetripont Norman family, forebears of one of the benefactors to our kind, John Cockburn, in landking John's treatment of Arthur of Brittany, is told of in "The House of Doughty" in this set of books.
Engelramus held the swaymanship of Rozel before Drew had it. How Drew got it? The changin of the ownership of the stead was fought against in a lawsuit. I wonder was it settled by oath, ordeal, or by fightin?
The writins about the lawsuit give the thought that Engelramus had been workin for the landking of France, although Engelramus was later on in the rolls of Henry Plantagenet the third. The writins seem to tell that the huge bit of land and the rank were given to Drew freely by landking Henry. So whose side was Engelramus on?
Pennells' forebear Drew would have been about fourteen years of age durin the strife. As a youth who was raised in the ways of Vikins, to some stretchin, he might have been allowed in an onslaught at that age.
Some kings' sons in the sagas were even younger in their first onslaughts. Howe'er it was, either he or his father we must suppose upheld John while Engelramus upheld landking Philip the second Despicabilis of the House of Hugh Capet, though Engelramus later took up the side of the Plantagenets.
Philip was trampin around on the grounds that had been strengthened by John's brother Richard the Lion Hearted, so that John, to hopefully keep his good name and also his holdins, must thereto tramp himself, with his warhost.
By and by the warhost of Philip overwhelmed that of John in sundry strongholds and burgs. Either Drew or his dad, or even both of them, must have trampen and slain along with John and the rest of his warhost.
That would have been a typical wherefor, for the givin of land to a highborn House. Landking Henry gave to Drew the rank and job of Warden of the Isles (or Governor) in the year 1220.
Drew was away fightin for Henry in Wales three years afterward, so we can safely think that he had set up underlins to do the wardin of the isles for him. Undoubtedly among them were some forebears of the Pennells.
The Normans of England and the Plantagenets together had been tryin to get the land in Wales for couple of hundredyears. It would be almost routine for landking Henry to have made a biddin to get land there, since it would have been thought of as one of the next steps in growin his family's sway.
Moreover, were he not so to try, the Welshmen would try to take the lands that he held anyway, so that takin their lands was, in the thinkin of the times, a good way to stay safe.
Henry's men were fightin along the borders of Wales from 1220 until 1229, while Llewellyn the Great ab Iorwerth was the landking in Wales. In the same time Llewellyn was buildin stronghold after stronghold along the borders. Before then, there were no hardcore strongholds in Wales.
William Marshal was the second jarl of Pembroke. Therein, in Pembroke, Llewellyn wasted the strongholds of Narberth and Wiston and burnt the burg Haverfordwest in 1220. He threatened the stronghold of Pembroke, but William bought him off for a hundred pounds.
Came 1223. Early in the year Llewellyn went over the border into Shropshire and took the strongholds of Kinnerly and Whittinton. The Marshalls went over to Ireland and raised a warhost there, and shipped them over the sea to the burg of Saint David's in April.
They took the burgs of Cardigan and Carmarthen, in Wales. Nobody was there to fight against them, for Llewellyn and his host were busy over in Pembroke.
Now here is where Drew likely went in. A warhost of landking Henry's went to uphold that of the Marshalls. All together they took the burg Montgomery.
There Llewellyn made a calmness with Henry and his folks in October of 1223. They swapped back sundry lands to their erst owners. We reckon that at that time went Drew back to Jersey, likely, for he was allowed to have a market and a warren in that selfsame year.
A Market for Drew
Drew's wife was Jane. They, the de Barentins, held a manor in Norfolk called "Cheveres". The boss man allowed him beginnin in 1223 to hold a weekly market and a yearly fair at Cheveres. MCI -- money comin in.
Of course Drew had to pay for bein allowed to have a market. He was also allowed a free warren on his odals there. That meant he was allowed to have a park for wild game and to hunt on it.
The war was still goin on on the Welsh borders for another six years, but Drew had done his bit, and I guess it was not that urgent to have "all hands" in the fightin there.
Before I tell about markets of the time, let me tell, to you about guilds. Guilds sort of went before markets, though we don't know whether Jersey had any guilds or not.
The Folks of the Early Burgs Were Not Free
All the land in England and Jersey was split into odals called "manors". Swaymen such as Drew de Barantin held sway over the burgsfolk who dwelt on his land. He made them to do jobs for the sake of the upholdin of his little cosmos within the cosmos of his overlin.
If Drew's setup was typical, then the followin description fits in many ways.
Land, whereon burgs grew, belonged to landkings, barons, and abbots. The jobs done for Drew by the burgsfolk paid for the use of Drew's land. Thralls worked the farms while craftsmen and chapmen were in the burgs.
All must work three days of each week to get the needed supply to give to the Drew for the upholdin of his cosmos. Moreover they must do boon-work and give out to Drew quit-rent in tokens of trade or in corn, herrins, honey, or other things.
"Corn" means "grain of any kind". Robinson Crusoe called all of his grains "corn". Bible does the same. The swayman such as Drew had a mill. Supposin that Drew had one too, the folks with corn must trade to Drew to have their corn to be ground.
The landking had a sheriff and the other swaymen such as Drew had stewards who upheld the laws in the burg and took the goods that the burgmen gave out for their bein allowed to dwell and to work there.
"New Ways" Means New Blood
Burgification is a function of hybridity with the folk of Finda. Children of Thor or of Frya or even of Adam do not form nor swarm to great burgs without havin been hybridized with the Children of Finda.
Children of Finda are the Vaisyas, the merchants, farmers, and traders. Thus burgs, tradin, and crafts are all of one spring.
"Civilis" means "city" so that civilization is outside the likin of the folks of Thor and Frya. In the Earth at the time of this keyin, "cities" are cancerous tumors on the face of Earth. They have been formed and upheld by our foes.
Perhaps the great burgs of olden times were less scatheful than those of today. Cain was the first maker of great burgs, and today's great burgs are reverberations of his early doins. Bad neighborhood.
Thus a span of time in the tale of England and Jersey, wherein burgs, trade, and craft grew in might, shows to us a waxin of the blood of Finda in the folks. The blood of Thor and Frya fights for their freedom, while the blood of Finda wants the burgs, the trade, and the craft.
I'll give an example. I was in the fellowship of a man who was hybrid between dark Italian and Anglo-Saxon. We went into the big store for buildin supplies.
I absent-mindedly wandered around with him as he picked up and looked with great keenness upon sundry things to be used in buildin and upkeep of houses. I was never keen about any such things while I was in the store.
I said "absent-mindedly", so that I was in kind of a half-trance, and I found myself unwittinly pickin up anything that resembled a weapon, such as a gun, knife or spear, and absent-mindedly wieldin it as though it were a weapon.
That was where my keeness lay, not in tools and buildin materiaux, but in weapons only. The other man's keeness was for the tools, gadgets, and materiaux.
That happenin shows an unlikeness of mind between the mind or the stirrins of the craftsman and those of the Sons of Thor.
Now to give a full sight of how things are, I'll tell that I too have the blood of Finda to some stretchin.
I have given keen thought to burgs, to trade, and to craft at times while in the fellowship of others who were keen on those things. Were I fully of Thor's I might never have even given any room for such thinkin.
My dad, mom, and brother all had signs of other races showin. My dad had black hairs, but his Y Chromosome was a Gothic one from southern Sweden, so that the mightiest factor in his DNA was of the blood of Magni. He had freckles, so he was also of the blood of Halfdan the Old.
No Writin about Guilds in Jersey
The way, in which the cosmos of the middle aeon was set up, stifled the betterment of the ways of tradin and of craft. The blood of Thor in the burgsfolk gave to them the stirrin to become free from the yoke of the swayman such as Drew.
They wanted also to have some say-so in the pickin of the men who looked after the followin of the wonted ways among folks, and who reckoned the winners in claims about holdins or about scathe, instead of their bein picked by the landking or other swayman.
By and by tradesmen got together and chapmen got together and made for themselves tight bunds, which came after a while to be called "guilds". They put stress upon their overlins so as to get for themselves the aims that I just told of."
Did the craftsmen of Drew's odals do likewise? There is no writin to say that they did. But elsewhere, and maybe in Drew's odals as well, the followin tale shows to us how things grew. For the sake of illustration we merely suppose that it was bein done in Drew's odals. Maybe it wasn't. Read on.
"As an outcomin of the makin of bunds, the sum of craftsmen in burgs waxed and new crafts arose. English craftsmen became highly skilled and some of the goods that they made were among the best in Europe.
"For showin, at far markets, the scarlet that was made in Lincoln or the blue woollen stuff of Beverley were widely known for their high quality alongside with the best well-known Italian and Flemish things."
"The master-craftsmen of the same trade who dwelt in the same town went together into bunds which were called 'craft guilds'. Each craft had its own guild; there were guilds of weavers, dyers, shoemakers, hatters, bakers, glassmakers and many others. There were many guilds of smiths.
"Their craft was very weighty, most of all at a time when things were made by hand. Already in the Domesday Book six forges in the town of Hereford were told of as well as those of the ironsmiths and coppersmiths.
"Later on, there were guilds of armourers, goldsmiths, locksmiths and many others. The chapmen of a burg made a bund known as a 'merchant guild'.
"Many English surnames aim to the trades or jobs of those to whom they were given. Such names as Baker, Butcher, Chapman, Wright, Fletcher, Tailor, Smith, are job surnames, and there are dozens of others. It was in the time of the guilds that the use of those job surnames became common."
The word guild arose from the keepin of gold in the holdins of the bund. Early writers (ninth hundred hears) told of their witchy doins, such as makin drunken oaths at Yul. They swore to uphold one another in hardship, and to back one another in feuds or in business doins.
Later writers said that the guildsmen must be of the Roman church in order to be allowed into the guilds.
Jersey was a bit of Normandy, and the guilds were already in Normandy before the takin of England by duke William. Therefore guilds were in Jersey, we think maybe.
We have found no writins about guilds havin been in Jersey. My feelin is that guilds were not so mighty in Jersey as they were in England. Maybe there were no guilds at all in Jersey.
Guilds Never Stopped from Growin until Now
Guilds began to get traction and might when the highborn needed to rely on them for tokens of trade. In order to get needed tokens of trade, highborn such as Drew would give a charter to a guild, allowin it to have a monopoly in its burg.
The guild would pay the highborn man from time to time. By and by the guilds grew in might, while at the same time becomin more and more private and conspiratorial.
"Here is a bit of the charter of Henry II Plantagenet to the Oxford shoemakers granted in 1175:
'Know you that I have granted and confirmed to the shoemakers of Oxford all the freedom and ways which they had in the time of King Henry, my grandfather and that they have their guild, so that none carry on their trade in the town of Oxford, except he is of that guild…
"For this grant and confirmation, however, the shoemakers ought t pay to me every year an ounce of gold.'
"Whereas swaymen such as Drew owned the burgs, after he sold a charter to a guild, nobody had the right to make or to sell goods in a burg if he was not a member of a guild.
"A stranger, even if he had come from another town only fifty miles away, was looked upon as a foreigner. At the gate he would be asked by the gate-keepers very closely about his business before bein let in.
"If he had come with anything to be sold in the market, he would have to give out a heavy toll. In that way many 'foreigners' were kept away and trade was kept for Drew's townsmen.
"In many cases they became the the body that held all sway over a burg. For showin, London's Guildhall became the seat of the Court of Common Council of the City of London Corporation, the world’s oldest continuously elected local government, whose members to this day must be Freemen of the City.
"The Freedom of the City, effective from the Middle Ages until 1835, gave the right to trade, and was only bestowed upon members of a Guild or Livery."
"If you love me keep my biddins." -- Jesus Messiah
"Like most setups durin the Middle Ages, guilds or livery companies must forge close ties with the Roman church [at least before the uprisin of the upholders of Breathgiver's law]
"by givin to religious setups such as chantry chapels and churches, by holdin religious festivaux with hostin ceremonies and their well-known mystery plays. Most livery companies have kept their old-time links to Rome."
"Keep my biddins and do them." -- Breathgiver
A chantry or (from Latin) obiit ("he has gone"; ) was a kind of fund set up in the time before the comin of the upholders of breathgiver's law in England.
It was set up to hire one or more priests to sing a sum of masses for a dead soul named by the one who hired the priest. "Obiit" may also be used to mean to the mass or masses themselves.
Guilds have been gettin bigger and bigger for over twelve hundred years. You never hear about them, except for freemasonry, but they are bigger and mightier than ever before. They are so mighty that they are able to keep out of the news, for they have owned the men who own the mass media.
In England the guilds grew to the state where they held sway over every land and folk on earth. Freemasonry began as a guild. Every important man on Earth is a freemason, such as the pope, cardinals, presidents, kings, all CEOs of big corporations, top celebrities and so on.
The City of London, which is an independent burg, independent of the United Kingdom, has sway over the economy of all Earth. It began as a set of guilds. It was the guilds of the City of London who executed the 9-11 controlled demolitions, along with the optical illusions that were used in them.
The landqueen of England must show subordination to the Lord Mayor of the City of London.
In turn the freemasons and the guilds of the City of London have kept under the yoke of Rome, in secret.
The point here is that guilds began as small brotherhoods in a local burg, and grew into huge enormous secret societies who have been the real executives behind all the presidents, and all the folks whom you may have seen in the news.
The other point is, we have found no writin about any guild havin been in Jersey, and in the examples, we only made believe that Drew had sold guildships to the craftsmen of his towns, to keep your interest as you read.
The Growin of Markets
Dwellers in the bigger burgs in Jersey and elsewhere had to lean more and more on the folks of neighbourin lands for their foodstuffs and raw materiaux for their crafts.in the thirteenth and fourteenth hundred years.
Trade between Drew's burgs and the farms began to grow. Same as it was in Jersey, it was even more so in England and in Europe. The tale of England we will, until gettin more lore about it, suppose to have happened also in Drew's odals.
Craftsmen arose, who were not farmers. Craftwork was sundered from farmin. The sunderin of craftwork from farmin, and the growth of Drew's burgs, brought about great changes in the ways wherein the supply in Drew's lands.
The craftsmen of Drew's towns made things, that is, goods made for sale, they sold their goods for tokens of trade and bought foodstuffs and things of other craftsmen for themselves, and raw materiaux for their workinshops.
Thus the makin of things began to grow in Drew's burgs, that is, the setup of makin things whereunder goods were made for sale and not for the use of their maker. Bit by bit a setup grew up in Drew's burgs whereby instead of in work, as was done in Drew's great steadins, trade was given out in tokens of trade.
In this setup Drew's farmers could grow things faster. Then there was too much food to be eaten by the folks of Drew's great steadins.
Lowly growers then could use the stuff they grew as quit-rent to Drew, tokens of trade instead of work, and then some had somethin that they could sell; for showin -- unneeded beasts or wool. Folks of Drew's burgs would buy those things.
You can see how the markets worked for them. King needed tokens of trade, gave market to Drew for a fee, then the sellers gave tokens of trade to Drew for the market. Chapmen arose, middle men to buy from one and sell to another. Tokens of trade flowed throughout the land.
Takin Back Gascony
A great moot was held in London in February of 1225. The men of the moot deemed to send the sixteen-year-old brother of landking Henry Plantagenet the third of England to Gascony, at the head of a warhost.
Much of tokens of trade was raised by the thinnin out of the freedoms erst given by the writs of older times. Richard was the brother's name. Henry gave to him a rank of "warhorseman". He was given the county of Cornwall for so long as Henry would like him to keep it.
William Longsword had gotten the rank and the job of the jarldom of Salisbury by weddin Ela of Salisbury. The was thus the third jarl of Salisbury. He had been the winnin leader of the Plantagenets' warhost at the Onslaught of Damme in 1213.
Magna Carta was a writin givin freedom to the highborn and folks of England. The barons used might to make John Plantagenet to sign it. Hugh Bigod was the third jarl of Norfolk. He had been one of the sureties in the makin up of the Magna Carta.
The moot in London picked William to guide Richard Plantagenet throughout the war in Gascony. He was paid by bein given wardship of the lands of Hugh Bigod, who had just died that same month.
William Longsword owed tokens of trade to Henry Plantagent. We reckon his debt was ended by doin the job in Gascony.
Hubert de Bergh was the first jarl of Kent. Hubert was top headman under Henry Plantagenet the third, and he held mighty sway. William Longsword had been Hubert's man in Gascony. Richard Marshall jarl of Pembroke had been Hubert's man in Ireland.
Henry the third was only about eighteen years of age, and was not deemed by the highborn of England to have been yet old enough to do his own thinkin about great things, and, so, Hubert was doin the thinkin.
Drew de Barantin might then have gone with Richard's warhost to Bordeaux, leavin his steadmen behind to warden Jersey. Drew would have been at the head of a warband of some ilk or other.
The folks of Bordeaux gave warm welcome to Richard and his host. The tokens of trade that the moot had raised up for Richard he straightway spent in Bordeaux to hire warriors.
Burgs, that had earlier gone to the side of landking Chlodwig the Lion the eighth of France, of the House of Hugh Capet, switched to the side of Richard Plantagenet.
Richard wrote back to Henry: "already had Gascony free and cleared of your foes but for la Reole, and the outstandin men of Gascony are in your troth but for Elyas Ridel of Bergerac"
Archimbaud Talleyrand the second was count of Perigord at the burg of Perigueux.
Elyas had erst been the man to keep the marches against the foes of Henry. He had griped to Henry about Henry's new man in Gascony. He asked for the old one back, and was given.
But when Richard Plantagenet went to Gascony Elyas had switched sides. Archimbaud Talleyrand was Hugh de Lusignan's warman in Gascony, and Hugh was Chlodwig's man. Without Elyas, there was no wardin against Archimbaud on behalf of the Plantagenets.
Meanwhile the town of la Reole held sway over some bits of the river Garonne. Its folks sent tradin goods down the river, but times had been when the folks of Bordeaux had hindered the shippin of the folks of la Reole, bein on the same river downstream.
The folks of la Reole felt that the House of Capet would stand for their wants. Chlodwig the Lion Capet gave to the folks of the burg many allowances in 1224. The burgsfolk were on his side.
Chlodwig upheld the banishment of the family Piis, who in la Reole had upheld the Plantagenets. He set up a warhost in the town. See, you got to be busy, and keep on top of things. Can't just let things run their own course.
A man wrote to Hubert to tell, to him, of the dearth of supply and means down in Gascony among Richard's warhost late in July. For that dearth Richard held back from makin onslaught against the two hubs. The writin reminded Hubert of his sayins that he had made earlier, sayin that he would uphold the warhost with supply.
A fleet sailed from England. It bore six thousand marks of silver, jewels, and cloth. Ten days afterward the fleet was in Bordeaux. More was sent afterward. Big time. August.
More warhorsemen and serjeants went from England to Gascony with thousands of marks of silver. If Drew Barantin didn't go to Gascony in the first wave, he surely did in the latter one.
Serjeanty
Serjeanty was the givin of a stead in land to a man for doin a deed other than the deeds of a warhorseman. Most often it was a job in the household of the landking or other highly rankin man. Sometimes the job was to fight with such kind of gear as was unlike that of a warhorseman.
Other times the job might have been some small thing, not much unlike the givins or doins of a tenant farmer.
So serjeants were among them, who were sent to Gascony to fight, they had gear unlike the gear that the warhorsemen had.
Richard led the host into warfare. As he tightened his grip (keep in mind he was under the guidance of William Longsword) around la Reole, Chlodwig sent Hugh de Lusignan with a second-string warband of warhorsemen to intercede.
Richard backed off of the onslaught against la Reole with his host and ambushed the warband of Hugh's. He kept Hugh from goin over the river Dordogne.
Hugh went off to uphold Bergerac, but in the meanwhile Elyas had switched sides again and went against Hugh's warband. In November the folks of la Reole gave in. Richard might have gone on to take Poitou, but that William Longsword had taken sick and gone back to England.
Drew de Barantin went back to Jersey in 1226. Runnin his markets and huntin on his warren, we ween.
Hostin the Warhost in Jersey after the Winnin of Gascony
Not much has been written about the next nine years. One year the Channel Islands were used as a hub for a Plantagenet's warhost to make onslaught against France. 1232.
The year before that one, a three-year truce had been vowed between Drew's boss Henry and Chlodwig the ninth Capet. The next year landking Henry picked other wardens of the isles, besides Henry de Trubleville.
That was the year when the warhost was in the islands. Mayhap Henry de Trubleville was to be in the itinerant warhost.
While the warhost was on the island, Drew would have been showin off his wealth and hospitality to highborn guests who were leadin the warhost that was in the islands waitin to go into some bit of what has lately been called "France".
Some of them no doubt would have been sleepin in his guestrooms and dinin at his board. There would have been fancy entertainments.
Warden Drew Again
Another truce with Chlodwig was made by Henry, and, so, as things changed outside, so did Drew's job again change. Again Drew was given the job of warden of the isles from 1235-1236. Those bosses, like Henry and the sundry swaymen of the isles, kept switchin men in the jobs. One year they are on Jersey, another year in England, and another in Gascony.
Landking Henry Plantagenet the third made sure of Drew's latest wardin job in writin. It was a good job. You usually didn't have to do that much, just boss some under-wardens and be sure that they picked up tokens of trade from the folks next under them.
Same way as the mafia operated, except that the basis was useful work and products, rather than foolishness.
Drew took his tokens of trade from his underlins and gave a bit of it upline to the Swayman of the Isles who was Henry de Trubleville. Henry was a widely known warrior from England.
Remember, and this is befuddled, the warden was a Jerseyman ordinarily, while the Swayman was from England or some other whereabouts, but the swayman was sometimes called "warden". And the warden was sometimes called "bailiff".
Apostle Drew
Drew was apostle to Rome beginnin in 1239. After sixteen years of huntin on-and-off on his warren went he, but from that year he could hunt no more in his warren, for he was in Rome.
We don't know exactly what Drew did in Rome, but with a bit of study we can paint an interestin picture of some of the things that were on the minds of himself and those with whom he met while he was there. 1239 was a critical year for Rome.
At the time the pope was Greggie the ninth, of the Conti crime family of the wicked burg of Anagni, Itaglia, but his real-person name was "Hughie".
The Conti family is one of thirteen old, old Zoroastrian families of the Saturnalian Brotherhood, who upheld the two-sided Roman practice of doin Babylonian religion in private,
with human sacrifices underneath the vatican, cannibalism, and sodomistic rites, and submission to the will of devils, while offerin paganism to the masses with the names changed to disguise what it really was.
Hughie's cousin was pope Innie the third. He gave to his cousin Hughie the cushy job of hinge-deacon of the church of Eustace.
It is the same today as it was in those days, only now more covertly done: anybody who would not go under the yoke of the pope was tortured and killed either in an inquisition or a crusade.
Nine-eleven, the bombin of the Orthodox Serbs, the war against Islam, and the Gulf Oil onslaught all are attacks against us and others by the pope for not bein his underlins.
The real talent of a pope is that he is a paramount sorcerer, his great talent is to cast a spell over the masses of Earth, so as to blind them to what is really bein done to them, and who is doin it.
There was a movin picture They Live. In it there was an antenna that sent out a wave that caused everybody not to see what was really happenin. In real life that antenna betokens the sorcery done by the pope. The pope is the antenna. He has been castin spells, and those spells are the waves of the antenna.
Those thirteen Zoroastrian families used to like to be in the visible spot of pope. By and by they eased themselves into the background, and put front men up from lesser families, while they pulled the strings secretly through their networks. The last I heard twelve of the families relocated to China, and one to Turkey.
The headman of the Conti family has sat on the jesuit council until this day. So they are in no way gone or passe, just quiet, cool.
"Go, man, go, but not like a yo-yo, schoolboy...just play it cool, boy -- real cool."
That burg Anagni was the breedin ground for that crime family Conti and the other one the Caetani crime family. Four of the sorcerers who were made to be popes were from that burg and were from also those two crime families, while four other of them were from the Conti crime family, makin a total of eight.
While you read this book about folks from the Isle of Jersey, you'll see how highborn families livin in the same neighborhood come to be all related. Bein so close to each other the Contis and the Caetanis, and, for that matter, the other eleven Zoroastrian families are bound to be basically just one big family with thirteen names.
For example if you were from a family of the Western Isles of Scotland, say, MacLean, you wouldn't even have to do genealogical research to know for certain that you were also a McKinnon, MacLeod, Macdonald and MacNeal. Same way, if I see a highborn family's name from early Jersey, I know I am one of them.
So much evil came out of that burg Anagni that Breathgiver wiped it out once already, just as he said he's goin to waste Rome, the most evil burg of late history, after a while. And it won't be long, the time is almost here.
Any how that is who Drew was sent to deal with. Likely, with a name that meant "dragon" he was quite the sorcerer himself, but not of so old and mighty and set-up a family as the pope himself.
The Wastin of Anagni
When Breathgiver began to waste the evil town of Anagni, a Caetani from that burg was pope, Bonnie the third. He was the fourth pope of Anagni, a member of the mighty Caetani crime family. His popeship, was not allowed by French hinges and by the mighty Colonna family.
Philip the Fair was landking of France. He went and taxed the Roman priests in France. Bonnie said "no, no, no, I have absolute supremacy over earthly might, against any king." 1302.
Philip outfitted a warhost to grip Bonnie, so as to get a gatherin together to vote him out. Against Philip two thousand mercenary fighters were hired and led by Bill de Nogaret and Sciarra Colonna both on horseback and on foot.
Neighborhood homies took Philip's side, and made onslaught against the fancy houses of Bonnie, whose real-person name was "Bennie". They went after also the fancy houses of Bennie's nephew. Bennie's main house was in Anagni.
All the folks on Bennie's side quit the burg in a hurry. Bennie was left behind with Pete Rodriguez, the hinge of Sabina. The good guys gripped Bennie and starved him for three days without givin, to him, anythin wet to be drunken by him.
Hey that is scarcely any hardhip at all -- Karl the Frank (called by the insipid "Charlemagne") used to behead anybody who didn't fast for forty days.
Bennie was sprung by townies (no doubt his own kindred), but did not live long after that. Soon the burg faded and went downhill, while the Caetani family went underground.
By and by the stouthearted and useful duke Werner von Urslingen's warband sacked the burg, and it was a total loss and nobody lived there any longer. It stayed that way a long time. Good for him! Hurray!
Lately the burg has been built up somewhat and has been the dwellin spot of popes.
Goins on About Rome When Drew Was There
Hughie got a name for torturin and slayin anybody who would not show subordination to him. He gave them a name "heretic" to make it sound bad, but, in truth, he was the bad and they were often the good ones.
Not only did Hughie's team use the self-servin and often untrue label of "heretic", they took it a step further with what the tellers-of-the-tale have called the “demonisation of heretics” by the Roman church, layin the wherefore -- for their freedom and free behavior -- in their refusin to take the yoke -- to the devil.
Both the pope and the hinges fanatically and doggedly all sent out torturers to find anybody who might assert their freedom.
Hughie wasn't the first to do it, either. From his cousin Innnie the third and from Greggie the seventh Hughie got the notion the the popes were the bosses of the whole earth and everybody in it, and if you didn't like it you got tortured and killed.
But if you did like it you had to pay and pay, while they lived in the wealthiest luxury imaginable.
Before he was pope Hughie was a hinge and a bishop, and that was while he buddied up to the queen of England, whose name happened to be, at the time, Isabelle. She was queen of England although she had no English background whatsoever, bein from Angouleme.
But nobody was goin to say anythin about it, for they would have had to have raised a warband and gone to war about it, but who is goin to do that when you are busy growin crops for your landlo'ward?
And why should the king care, as long as he gets his payments and his long dresses, crowns, sceptre, chair, horsie, knights, chasteaux, and whatnot? And I forgot to mention his fiddlers three. And all the king's horses and all the king's men.
Hughie was buddyin up to Isabelle and that somehow got Drew into the job of apostle to Rome I am sure of it.
So in the year when Drew went to Rome there was a lot happenin. One of the biggest shots in Europe was not bendin the knee at an acute enough angle for Hugie.
His name was Frederick the second Kaiser of Europe. Some how the bosses over in Rome had gotten Frederick to say that he would be their tool in the work they wanted to be done in the mideast. Fightin, I'm talkin about, warmakin.
Frederick had no problem with warmakin, but not for some sicko like Hughie. He didn't actually know how great sorcerers were Hugie and his coven, nor was he schooled in what to do about it. All that was back in 1220.
Year of our lo'ward. Of his kingship. But not the exact year of his kingship, the year of the aeon of his kingship, which was a few years before his actual kingship.
See, years are written as the so-and-soeth day of the reign of king so-and-so. 1220 was the 1220th year of the reign of Jesus, except that it wasn't.
It was the year of the AEON of his kingship. Slightly unlike way of reckonin, but close. You get the sentiment behind it, it's the kingship, still is the kingship, never stopped, he came back from death. Onward, ever onward!
Hughie made bosslike maneuvers by sayin that Frederick was for a while not to be kaiser any longer because he was too slow to obey Hughie. Frederick sought fellowship among landkings of Europe that they might uphold his side.
Next Hughie banned Frederick put the ban on him. Hughie threatened to take away the kaisership from Frederick and no comin back. By and by Frederick went and took Jerusalem for Hughie.
Reggie was Frederick's swayman in Spoleto Reggie was from Urslingen, the same town whence came Werner who later wasted the evil town Anagni. Urslingen must have been "The Spot", the good spot, where the good stuff was happenin!
While Frederick was out of continent, Reggie made onslaught against Hughie's bailiwick. Good for him! Hughie sent a warhost to make onslaught against Sicily. Frederick got back just in time to stop Hughie's warhost from doin that, which it had set out to do. Frederick's warhost made Hughie's warhost to run away.
Then Frederick, still not sure of how to be safe from Hughie's sorcery, tried to get a calm relationship with him. His goin back to Itaglia was June, 1229. They made calmness between them.
One day Hughie decided that he was goin to pontificate. He didn't have all that much to think about while Frederick was bein relatively calm.
So he decided that he would pontificate about black cats. He said that they were the embodiment of the devil, and that all, of his underlins, should kill all, of the black cats. Most of them in Europe were therefore so killed.
What was behind it, some of Hughie's men had found out that small time covens were usin black cats for sorcery. Nonononono, only Hughie and his pack were to have the monopoly on sorcery, so away went the black cats of Europe. Kind of like today's war on drugs.
All the congressmen, governors, chieves of police, president, kings, queens, lords, bishops, and whatnot have their thumb in the drug pie, makin big bucks from it.
In order to make it seem as though they are against it, they bust the competition, and that is your "war on drugs". Same way with the papal fightin against witchcraft, when themselves were and are the biggest witches.
By and by the year 1239 came, the year when Drew went to Roma from Jersey. The Longbeards had made a bund called "The Lombard League" for to stop Frederick from takin over Itaglia. But Frederick beat the bund that year, and Hughie felt insecurely, as though he might lose his bosshood to Frederick.
There was an outbreak of hostilities. That's right, an outbreak. Of hostilities. That's what Wikipedia said, and who am I to gainsay it? What does it mean, though? Does it mean that Frederick shot paperclips at Hughie with a rubber band?
Does it mean that Hughie put up a doctored photo of Frederick on Facebook? Does it mean that some killin was done?
I don't feel like lookin it up and it won't change the tale that much even if I do. Whatever the "hostilities" were that "outbroke", Hughie once again put the ban on Frederick, and pontificated that Frederick could no longer be an official sucker of the church.
Hughie bade the top men of the Roman church to go to an assembly in Roma from both afar and anear. He wanted them to intensify the sorcery of the ban. Frederick then went around and sank many of the ships that bore the men whom Hughie had bidden. This was real-life sword-and-sorcery genre, no lie.
All this was goin on while Drew was at Rome, and what he was sayin or doin about it I suppose that we'll never know, we just know he was there, and it must have been quite a show for him to see all the comins and goins and all the fuss and emotions. One thing we know for sure he did not keep a black cat in his flat.
Drew was given again the job Warden of the Isles in 1240, so we reckon that he went back to home that year. He wasn't in Rome that long.
We take it that he may not have fit in well there, or mayhap was not needed further by Isabella. Drew kept the job of warden until 1252, that time. More huntin on his warren, no doubt. Let's just finish up a bit about Hughie, then we'll get back to Drew's tale.
A year later was a gatherin in Regensburg. A king's son was archbishop of Salzburg, and his name was Eberhard the second von Truchsees. That's right, Eberhard the second von Truchsees. It means, in English, Eberhard the second from Truchsees. Say it three times and it's yours.
Any how, Eberhard was at the gatherin in Regensburg, and he declared, quite openly I might add, that Hughie was the man of whom Breathgiver told us in his Bible "that man of perdition whom they call Antichrist, who in his extravagant boastin says, 'I am the Almighty, I cannot err'".
Eberhard was right of course. All folks who sincerely study Bible realize the same truth, it refers to each pope. And a low relief sculpture of Hughie is in the House of Representatives of the United States of America. Whoah! Smash it.
Finally Hughie kicked off, signed off, went to hell and to await the second death that year, 1241.
The hall at Rozel, owned by Drew, had a high stone-vaulted chapel. Some time before 1240 he picked that hall to be his dwellin.
Some stouthearted fellows in Poitou sought to be free from Chlodwig the ninth Capet, by the means of warfare, in 1242. Henry Plantagenet set out to help them out in May.
He used the Channel Islands as a hub for his comin onslaught. Once again, Drew would have entertained the highborn leaders of the warhost in his halls, and given, to them, bed, board, and music.
Henry Plantagenet made a writ that upheld Drew's wardenship over Jersey and Guersey in 1242. By that writ we find out what was in it for Henry: he got 350 marks each year from Drew for the wardenship. It was written in Latin, which was the speech that Henry was wonted to have written in.
Come 1247, and Drew was given the job of seneschal of Gascony. Once again he must leave his homeland and go afar.until one year afterward. A seneschal was a man who stood for the landking to uphold the landking's laws or other laws that he allowed.
He was also to see to the doin of all that must be done in the landking's behalf. While he was seneschal in Gascony, he seems to have been still warden of the isles. As we learned earlier, that he could do through steadmen called "stewards" in English.
Drew or another Drew de Barrantine was swayman of the Scilly Isles in 1251, and shortly afterwards held the same rank in the Norman islands
Drew's wardenhood was taken from him in 1252 for what wherefore we know not. Henry Plantagenet was puttin his mind toward the settin up of men at arms to hold things together in his kingdom in that same year, so maybe he did somethin that led to Drew's unwardenment.
Nevertheless Drew was given another job in 1253, again seneschal of Gascony. It was the year after the great freedom-fighter Simon de Montfort was taken away from his job as swayman there.
The stronghold of Mont Orgueil was a Barantine holdin. It was the main wardin against foes in the Isle of Jersey, but only until the comin of gunpowder, whereafter it could not be warded.
He or another Drew who was swayman of the isles, was slain in 1253, in a stouthhearted wardin of the stronghold of Mont Orgueil from an onslaught made on it by the Capetians, so it has been written.
If it were the first Drew who was slain, then the rest of this article is about another or two Drew de Barantine who may not be forebear to the Pennells of Beulah Land.
Philip de Carteret and Jordan de La Hogue were bidden straight by the landking himself to check out the strongholds in the islands of Jersey and Guernsey. They were to check the weapons of the strongholds, when Drew of Barentin, warden of the islands, was taken from that job.
The Channel Islands were given over wholly to the ownership of the landking of Engand in 1254-75.
Somewhere on a tropical bit of Earth a mighty volcano shot. It was the mightiest volcano in the heretofore thousands of years. All over earth the sky was darkened by the dust that it had shot forth.
In England temperatures went down four degrees from their wonted heat of the same time of other years. It was 1257 or 1258. Come 1258 a monk wrote,
"The north wind overcame for months… scarcely a small rare flower or shootin germ grew forth, whence the hope of harvest was unsure... such high sum of folks died, that the sum could not be reckoned; and their bodies were found lyin all about swollen from want…
"Nor did those who had homes dare to harbour the sick and dyin, for fear of infection.
"The pestilence was immense – unbearable; it made onslaught against the poor most of all. In London alone fifteen thousand of the poor died; in England and elsewhere thousands died." Lately the sum was reckoned, by countin skeletons, to be closer to eighteen thousand.
More than one third of the folks of London were dead. A great pit was dug for their bodies. More pits were needed elsewhere. Folks would surely have died in Jersey as well. It was in the springtime and the summertime.
Years back, landking Henry said that he was goin to do all the thinkin and would pick without anybody else's say-so what would be done, at all times. The talkin cartoon horse sheriff Quick Draw McGraw, who looked ever away from the wise rede of his fellow, could well have been a caricature of Henry:
"I-lll do all the thinnin around here!"
Actually I fudged that example, for Quick Draw didn't throw out the rede of his fellow, he merely expropriated it and made as though it had been his own thinkin.
Breathgiver has told, to us: "Without rede aims are not fulfilled: but in the multitude of redegivers they are set up as steadfast."
Smart highborn folks saw that Henry's thinkin had not been good enough.
While all the said other folks were dyin, and the crops were not comin, a team of barons got together to make Henry to take them as fellow thinkers and redegivers in the pickin of what was ever goin to be done thereafter. Moreover, the ways of upholdin laws were newly dealt with as never before then.
Henry was broke, was under stress of weapons from Welsh and Scottish highborn workin together, and was broadly facin the aftermath of his erst bad pickin.
A team of Savoyard barons overcame the iniquitous Lusignan faction that had been deleterious to the expression of the true stirrins of the folks of the land, and the said team took sway over all, for the time bein.
Lots of changes were begun and made to be steady. The set of happenins went into June. Highborn Poitevains who had sway in England were blocked. Strongholds the team took.
"This is the love of Breathgiver that we keep his biddins." -- John the Baptist
For the next seven hundred and fifty years we saw folks of the blood of Magni diddlin around with tryin to make laws and a setup of their own makin, instead of followin Breathgiver's law. One reason for that was that Breathgiver's law in writin was not held by most folks, and, thus, was unknown of.
Drew de Barentin he got his old job back of warden of the isles. One writer said "bailiff". Sometimes the writers called the warden a "bailiff". It may have been that so many others had died, that he must be the only one left who could do the job well, or it may have been for some other wherefor.
Leader of the barons who set bounds to Henry's sway was Simon de Montfort. Henry's son Edward took up with Simon. Henry tried to keep Edward from havin any sway in the Channel Islands.
He wrote to Drew on July fourth: "to Drouet de Barentin, to bid him to take good care of the islands and forfend Edward from pickin any of his men there or goin into the islands himself".
Henry must have been a stone fool to have so much faith in the pope, for he asked the pope to annul an oath thathe had taken to uphold the biddin of the barons.
One thing happened in that year that solves a mystery for me. I was wonderin why Drew's later spawn, Clement Pennell, who was from French-speakin Jersey, went to English-speakin New England instead of to somewhere else.
Now we learn that up until that year 1258, French had been the speech among all folks of sway in England, which means also the Channel Islands. In that year the swayfolk switched to English. No doubt Clement Pennell, bein of a family of swayfolk, would have had the maybe of learnin English offered to him.
We see, in the switchin to English speech, Breathgiver's makin ready for the folks of Jersey to take their bit of the great movin of the Children of Magni into Beulah land in later times.
Henry's son Edward was Swayman of the Isles in 1269. He wrote in Latin "to fulfill the checkup by means of the levy, and to be faithful to our Drogo de Barentin , then the bailiff to the islands de Jersey and Guernsey, we order to be made." "The levy" would be the makin of underlins to fight in wardin the islands.
Drew's wardenhood lasted until 1260. While he was warden of the isles he was given also the job again of seneschal of Gascony.
Likely he went to Gascony, while his stewards warded the isles of Jersey and Guernsey, takin the tokens of trade from the folks there, and upholdin the laws and wonted ways, as told of earlier. He stayed seneschal until about 1263
I want to take a breakin here and follow the blood of Drew de Barentin through time:
First, Scythians to Scandinavia. de Barentyn forebears were Scythians
Next, Scandinavians to England. Drew's forebears were Scandinavians and English
Next, Vikins set up Normandy. His forebears were Normans.
Same time, Channel Islands a bit of Nomandy
Next, Normans learned French speech
Next, Basques of Pinel de Bray town with Normans took over England
Next, Highborn in England spoke French
Next, Hybrid Vikin family de Barentin in Jersey
Next, Highborn in England switched to English
Next, Clement Pennell a child of Drew de Barentin and of Basques
At last, Clement Pennell to Beulah Land
William Bastard had built the Stronghold of Windsor. Nowadays it's a huge buildin the size of a small town. It was one of the three dwellins that Henry Plantagenet the third best liked. Henry gave to Drew the job of watchin over the weapons at that stronghold in 1264. Drew's son William was with him in the job, under him.
That means that Henry really liked Drew a lot and wanted Drew to be near to him.
A writin said that Drew was gave out tokens of trade for "goin as the Queen's Messenger beyond the seas, 30 marks for his expenses ; " and in the same year was given out " £10 for palfreys, sumpter-horses, and harness for his two nephews, whom the King, in Gascony, decorated with the belt of a knight."
So Henry gave to two nephews of Drew;s the rank of warhorsemen and gave out the tokens of trade for their horses and tack.
Drew was warden or swayman of the isles until 1272.
Drew was father of William de Barentin. Jane was Drew's wife, and might have been the mother of William.
Thus ends the generous free sample of the book. Be sure to tell your thoughts and feelins in a comment, and thank you therefor!
To print and to ship one hundred of this book will take an estimated more than six thousand dollars USA. That is a simple hardbound book. A fancier book would cost more, of course.
That would put the wholesale price at about sixty dollars. Then the retail would be over a hundred and twenty dollars.
To lower the wholesale price more of them would have to be printed, and the total cost would be higher.
If you are a prosperous kinsman, then offer to pay for the printin, and get back your tokens of trade in books or in returns from the sale thereof.
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Beulah Land -- The House of Pennell
by Truman Pennell Keesey
Book -- 5 Volumes ~ 650 pages : Family history of one branch of
Pennells of Maine
Forebears of Edgar Llewellyn Pennell b. 1869 January 31
and his granddaughter Marjorie May Pennell Keesey b. 1923
Forebears from 1066 until 1984
This is the tale of a branch of the Pinels of the Isle of Jersey and their forebears, their lives and their times.
I have almost fulfilled the writin of the first volume this book, and look to the writin to be fulfilled about May of 2016.
It is one, of the most wonderful books of history ever to have been read.
As you read it, you will exclaim to yourself, "Merciful Heavens! Never before have I read such a wonderful, entertainin, and interestin book! Surely this is the book for me! I shall finance the printin of it."
List of Biographies in the Book -- Forebears of Edgar Llewellyn Pennell
William Pinel b. some time before 1204
William de Blancminster the first a.k.a. de Blauminster of Child Canefeld a.k.a. de Whitchurch Lived until 1203
Roger de Dauntsey b. ab. 1156
William de Blancminster The Second lived until 1260
Drew or Drogo de Barentin a.k.a. Drouet De Barentine b. 1190. His full tale I tell below this list. Read it there.
William de Barentin the First b. 1230
Raul Payn the First 1240 - 1283
Jordan (Jean) de Barentin b. 1260
William de Barentin the Second 1288 -- 1316
Jordan Payn the First lived until 1348
Thomas de Hamptonne the First
Raulin Payn the First 1310 - 1367
Jordan Payn the Second 1340 - 1383
Thomas de Hamptonne the second b. 1350
Nicolas de Hamptonne the First
Raulin the Payn the Second 1380 - 1453
Guille de Hamptonne the first b. 1399
Thomas Payn 1410 - 1462
Michael Larbalestier b. 1430
Anthony Larbalestier b. 1453
Guille de Hamptonne the Second. b. 1435
Raul Gruchy 1440 - 1524
Michel Payn 1447 - 1520
Francois Gruchy 1470 - 1549
Simon Sarre the First b. 1444
Symon Malezard
Thomas Pinel
Simon Sarre the Second 1470 - 1533
Nicolas Hamptonne the First b. 1472
Clement Pinel b. 1490
Symon Malezard b. ab. 1494
Lucas Gruchy b. 1495
Laurens Hamptonne the First b. 1500
Jean le Boutillier
Thomas Pinel 1515 - 1570
Leonard Rommeril lived until 1570
Francis King
Philip Rommeril Lived until 1605
Edward Dumaresq
Francis le Montais
Nicolas Hamptonne the Second 1532 - 1580
Clement Pinel (Again) b. 1540 - 1597
Jean Romeril
Robert Pease the Elder b. 1565
Helier le Montais b. 1574
Jean Pinel 1575 - 1620
Martin Romeril
Robert Pease the Younger 1589 - 1644
Clement le Montais 1600 - 1650
Jean Pinel 1604 - 1665
Philippe Pinel 1627 - 1689
John Sampson ab. 1627 - 1712
Moses Durrell ab. 1650 - 1753
Thomas Pinel 1684 or about 1689 - 1723
Another Thomas Pennell
Clement Pennell 1723 - 1781
Joseph Pennell b. 1748
Jeremiah Pennell b. 1779
Jeremiah Pennell 1820 - 1882
Edgar Llewellyn Pennell b. 1869
Walter Johnson Pennell Captain USN 1892 - 1955. Walter is told of in a small way in this book, but his bigger tale is in The Book of Seamen. It is not in this book for that the book is already too big.
Marjorie May Pennell Keesey 1923 - 1984
To print and to ship one hundred of this book will take an estimated more than six thousand dollars USA. That is a simple hardbound book. A fancier book would cost more, of course.
That would put the wholesale price at about sixty dollars. Then the retail would be over a hundred and twenty dollars.
To lower the wholesale price more of them would have to be printed, and the total cost would be higher.
If you are a prosperous kinsman, then offer to pay for the printin, and get back your tokens of trade in books or in returns from the sale thereof.
Talk to me trukeesey at verizon dot net
Help to make this lore to be available to all of our kindred! Surely each family will want a copy to pass down to their children!
Send me email now trukeesey at verizon dot net
Thank You!
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